Housing and environmental issues Essay Example for Free

Housing and environmental issues Essay Community development officer: CDOs should have: †¢ the ability to communicate with a wide range of people †¢ the ability to manage a budget †¢ sensitivity in dealing with multi-cultural issues, such as religion †¢ networking skills and a good memory for names and faces †¢ the ability to work on their own initiative †¢ Commitment to social inclusion issues. CDOs may work for a local authority; he must also involve public decision in multi cultural communities housed by the associations. Public involvement in regeneration is widely held to be a good thing. There are very few who write about or comment on regeneration, however it is defined who do not claim that public involvement is an important if not essential component of effective and successful regeneration. And to a great extent this has been the position in the UK and elsewhere for well over a century. However, there are very few studies that have set out to measure and to analyse the impact of public involvement. In other words, few researchers have attempted to see what difference it makes in practice to involve the public and whether any such differences are positive, in the sense of being both anticipated and desired. There are, nevertheless, many studies that shed some light on the processes of public involvement and draw conclusions about its impact in specific cases. The conclusion of many of these studies is that public involvement did not work very well in practice: it was embarked upon too late; insufficient resources were provided to make it effective; the local environment was not very conducive; and key decisions continued to be taken by people not living in the areas affected. The importance of involving the public in attempts to improve and regenerate neighbourhoods has been recognised for many years. However, the consensus around the value and potential benefits of greater public involvement has probably never been stronger, not least because government has put it at the centre of its plans to modernise both the delivery of public services and the very processes of government. A simple theory of public participation The political imperatives driving forward the agenda of public participation are well established, but three stand out at present. First is the belief that participation is intrinsically good and worthwhile, and hence more participation is desirable. Second is the growing acknowledgement that many major policy issues do not appear to be capable of obvious resolution – they can be termed ‘wicked problems’ for this reason (Rittel and Weber, 1973). An obvious consequence of this recognition is to take a more open approach to their resolution, in other words to allow a wider range of partners into the arena of policy debate and hence to share the burden of resolution. Finally, there is a clear belief that greater participation is needed to stem if not reverse the apparent decline in social capital charted by Putnam (2001) and his followers (see DeFilipis, 2001). A slightly broader set of factors can be derived from the wider academic literature where at least four distinct explanations of or justification for greater public participation in government generally are apparent. Instrumentalist conceptions point to the fact that individuals are the best judges of their own interests and hence by participating in policy debates and political discussions they are best able to articulate and advance these interests. The job of government then lies in the aggregation of individual interests and the balancing of conflicting positions into a plausible public interest. Communitarian conceptions take a different approach and advocate a more collective or social approach among the participating public, such that a negotiated view of the public interest is provided to rather than by government. Of course government may then have to perform further rounds of aggregation or even facilitate further rounds of negotiation or consensus building, but the public plays a more prominent part in the social construction of their own idea of public interest. In this conception there is some degree of aggregation but government is still left to aggregate, adjudicate or reconcile the possibly conflicting views of different communities or even coalitions of communities. Educative approaches suggest that public participation helps in developing a more sophisticated understanding of the complexities of policy issues; of the ethical dilemmas and the need to make trade-offs for example between price and quality or between the achievement of short and long term priorities. Finally, expressive conceptions of participation emphasise the opportunity that political participation gives individuals to express their political identity. Through active campaigning, displaying posters, attending rallies, donating money or time, one is able to demonstrate to the world at large that fact that one is a feminist, a socialist, a conservative, a nationalist and so on. It is of course important also to bear in mind that political participation can involve much more than voting in periodic elections, or even campaigning in them. Attending meetings about issues of local or international concern and taking part in participatory events such as juries, consensus conferences or citizens juries are also important as is participation in ongoing campaigns or lobbies, again from local (save our school) to global (save our planet) issues. There is something of a paradox here, in that there is plentiful data available on formal political involvement in voting, but relatively little available on the more prosaic but nevertheless significant everyday acts of involvement, such as going to meetings or simply engaging socially and maybe politically with ones neighbours (Hoggett and Bishop, 1986). In recent years some regular and extensive surveys have begun to provide valuable data of this type, but it is still the case that many sophisticated models of community engagement, civic renewal and social capital, have been constructed on flimsy empirical foundations (Prime, Zimmeck Zurawa, 2002). But to develop a simple model of participation we need to consider in some more detail questions along each of the three main dimensions implied in the expression: public participation in planning or policy making. Robert D. Putnam That Western society has changed dramatically since the middle of the 20th century. There is less agreement about what caused the changes, and whether they have been beneficial. One barometer of change in Western society is the level of ‘social capital’ (a concept popularised by Robert D. Putnam), which results from high levels of investment by citizens in their community. Putnam’s investigation of American society, Bowling Alone (2000), considers the full range of changes affecting America (and all western societies): declining participation in institutional Christianity; less involvement in sport and recreational clubs, politics, charitable causes, and volunteer work; and a radical re-shaping of the family though divorce, a lower birth rate, and a disinclination to marry at all. These trends, Putnam argues, result in diminished social capital. Putnam’s analysis of America holds for the three Anglophone members of George W. Bush’s ‘coalition of the willing,’ America, Britain and Australia, and may explain why hawkish, right-wing governments are the people’s choice at the start of the 21st century, despite an unprecedented liberality and inclusiveness throughout the second half of the 20th century. Putnam notes a range of factors responsible for civic disengagement: suburban sprawl; the popularity of television and electronic media; changed work patterns, including the large-scale entry of women into the workforce; and generational changes resulting in the ‘replacement of an unusually civic generation by several generations [Baby Boomers, Generations X and Y] †¦ that are less embedded in community life’ (p. 275). In the United States, where voting is optional, these developments dilute democracy, and societies with low participation rates tend to become distrustful. Untrusting citizens call for tougher; ‘law and order’ focused governments, resulting in the election of increasingly right-wing political parties. Social capital: 1. Definition The concept and theory of social capital dates back to the origins of social science; however, recent scholarship has focused on social capital as a subject of social organization and a potential source of value that can be harnessed and converted for strategic and gainful purposes. According to Robert David Putnam, the central premise of social capital is that social networks have value. Social capital refers to the collective value of all social networks and the inclinations that arise from these networks to do things for each other. Social capital refers to the institutions, relationships, and norms that shape the quality and quantity of a societys social interactions. Increasing evidence shows that social cohesion is critical for societies to prosper economically and for development to be sustainable. Social capital is not just the sum of the institutions that underpin a society; it is the glue that holds them together However, social capital may not always be beneficial. Horizontal networks of individual citizens and groups that enhance community productivity and cohesion are said to be positive social capital assets whereas self-serving exclusive gangs and hierarchical patronage systems that operate at cross purposes to communitarian interests can be thought of as negative social capital burdens on society. 2. History of the research on the concept Robert David Putnam, if not the first one to write on the issue, is considered as the major author on the concept of social capital. He is a U. S. political scientist and professor at Harvard University, and is well-known for his writings on civic engagement and civil society along with social capital. However, his work is concentrated on the United States only. His most famous (and controversial) work, Bowling Alone, argues that the United States has undergone an unprecedented collapse in civic, social, associational, and political life (social capital) since the 1960s, with serious negative consequences. Though he measured this decline in data of many varieties, his most striking point was that virtually every traditional civic, social, and fraternal organization had undergone a massive decline in membership. From his research, a working group has formed at Harvard University and is called Saguaro Seminar. Most definitions around the social capital concept, notably those used by the World Bank, come from Putnam’s work and this research. 3. Measuring social capital The Saguaro Seminar, in the continuation of Putnam’s work, has been elaborating various means to measure the level of social capital in different contexts. It says on its website that measurement of social capital is important for the three following reasons: (a) Measurement helps make the concept of social capital more tangible for people who find social capital difficult or abstract; (b) It increases our investment in social capital: in a performance-driven era, social capital will be relegated to second-tier status in the allocation of resources, unless organizations can show that their community-building efforts are showing results; and (c) Measurement helps funders and community organizations build more social capital. Everything that involves any human interaction can be asserted to create social capital, but the real question is does it build a significant amount of social capital, and if so, how much? Is a specific part of an organization’s effort worth continuing or should it be scrapped and revamped? Do mentoring programs, playgrounds, or sponsoring block parties lead more typically to greater social capital creation? Measuring social capital: Towards a theoretically informed measurement framework for researching social capital in family and community life. by Wendy Stone. Research paper no. 24, Australian Institute of Family Studies, 2001, 38p, ISBN 0 642 39486 5 To inform the Institutes Families, Social Capital and Citizenship project, this paper contributes to the development of clear links between theorised and empirical understandings of social capital by: establishing a theoretically informed measurement framework for empirical investigation of social capital; and reviewing existing measures of social capital in light of this framework. The paper concludes with a statement of guiding principles for the measurement and empirical investigation of social capital in family and community life. Social Capital as Credit Social capital, or aggregate reputation, is a form of credit. Some formal transactions can be supported by social capital. Informal transactions are rarely underpinned by financial credit or legal agreement and instead rely entirely social capital. We all have our internal calculators keeping tacit track of who is doing wrong and who is doing right, the health of the relationships and adjusting our actuarial tables according to experience. While undertaking government activities environment problems should also be considered. As it has became a global issue we need to take care of everything. Globalisation and cultural identity It is fair to say that the impact of globalization in the cultural sphere has, most generally, been viewed in a pessimistic light. Typically, it has been associated with the destruction of cultural identities, victims of the accelerating encroachment of a homogenized, westernized, consumer culture. This view, the constituency for which extends from (some) academics to anti-globalization activists (Shepard and Hayduk 2002), tends to interpret globalization as a seamless extension of – indeed, as a euphemism for – western cultural imperialism. In this discussion which follows we approach this claim with a good deal of skepticism. we will not seek to deny the obvious power of globalized capitalism to distribute and promote its cultural goods in every corner. Nor will we take up the argument – now very commonly made by critics of the cultural imperialism thesis (Lull 2000; Thompson 1995; Tomlinson 1991) that a deeper cultural impact cannot be easily inferred from the presence of such goods. What we will try to argue is something more specific: that cultural identity, properly understood, is much more the product of globalization than its victim. Identity as Treasure To begin, let us sketch the implicit (for it is usually implicit) reasoning behind the assumption that globalization destroys identities. Once upon a time, before the era of globalization, there existed local, autonomous, distinct and well-defined, robust and culturally sustaining connections between geographical place and cultural experience. These connections constituted one’s – and one’s community’s – ‘cultural identity’. This identity was something people simply ‘had’ as an undisturbed existential possession, an inheritance, a benefit of traditional long dwelling, of continuity with the past. Identity, then, like language, was not just a description of cultural belonging; it was a sort of collective treasure of local communities. But it was also discovered to be something fragile that needed protecting and preserving that could be lost. Into this world of manifold, discrete, but to various degrees vulnerable, cultural identities there suddenly burst (apparently around the middle of the 1980s) the corrosive power of globalization. Globalization, so the story goes, has swept like a flood tide through the world’s diverse cultures, destroying stable localities, displacing peoples, bringing a market-driven, ‘branded’ homogenization of cultural experience, thus obliterating the differences between locality-defined cultures which had constituted our identities. Though globalization has been judged as involving a general process of loss of cultural diversity, some of course did better, some worse out of this process. Identity as Cultural Power Let us begin with identity, a concept which surely lies at the heart of our contemporary cultural imagination. It is not, in fact, difficult in the prolific literature of analysis of the concept to find positions which contest the story of identity as the victim of globalization. Identity and Institutional Modernity This brings the central claim that globalization actually proliferates rather than destroys identities. In this respect we depart somewhat from Castells’s position: in setting identity as a sort of autonomous cultural dynamic, surging up from the grassroots as an oppositional force to globalization, Castells really fails to see the rather compelling inner logic between the globalization process and the institutionalized construction of identities. This, in other way, lies in the nature of the institutions of modernity that globalization distributes. To put the matter simply: globalization is really the globalization of modernity, and modernity is the harbinger of identity. It is a common assumption that identity-formation is a universal feature of human experience. Castells seems implicitly to take this view when he writes: ‘Identity is people’s source of meaning and experience’ (1997: 6). But whilst it is true that the construction of meaning via cultural practices is a human universal, it does not follow that this invariably takes the form of identity construction as we currently understand it in the global-modern West. This form of ethnocentric assumption has been recently criticized both by anthropologists and media and cultural critics. Globalization and Modernity To appreciate this, it is necessary to take a more complex view of the globalization process than is often adopted – certainly in the polemical discourses of the anti-globalization movement, where globalization is essentially understood as the globalization of capitalism, achieved in its cultural aspect via a complicate western dominated media system. This more complex, multidimensional conceptualization, which views globalization as operating simultaneously and interrelated in the economic, technological-communicational, political and cultural spheres of human life, is in fact relatively un-contentious – at least in principle – within academic discourses. But the cultural implication, rather less easily swallowed by some, is that globalization involves not the simple enforced distribution of a particular western (say, liberal, secular, possessive-individualist, capitalist-consumerist) lifestyle, but a more complicated dissemination of the entire range of institutional features of cultural modernity. References Putnam, R (2001) Bowling Alone: the collapse and revival of American community, Touchstone, London Tomlinson, J (1999) Globalisation and culture, Policy Press, Cambridge Social capital: http://www. jrc. es/home/report/english/articles/vol85/ICT4E856. htm http://www. envplan. com/ http://www. infed. org/thinkers/putnam. htm http://www. naturaledgeproject. net/NAON_ch11. aspx

Treatment :: essays research papers

  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  The main character is Janine Starr. She is overly shy, a bookworm, and an extremely religious Christian; however, she is an undercover cop. She works for the New York Police Department. In order for her to be promoted to a â€Å"detective† she has to work at a local strip joint, â€Å"ChiChi’s,† on West 8th Street. The reason for her to work at ChiChi’s is to bust the city’s top drug tycoon, Miguel Martinez.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Our other main character is Barry Johnson who is senior detective at the station. Starr does not know of Johnson. Johnson’s front is a cage cleaner at The Bronx Zoo. Johnson is keeping an eye on Starr because Johnson works on the side with Martinez; Johnson is betraying the department. Johnson moved next door to Starr and he pretends to be mentally challenged and in love with Starr. He watches her nightly at the club, yet she only notices him around the elevator—here or there. She has never seen him at the department or at the club.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Starr is very attractive, early to mid-twenties. She has medium brown hair, blue eyes, roughly 5’8†. A Tiffany-Amber Theissan type of look. Starr has the opportunity to be promoted to detective at her age because her father is a retired Commissioner. Starr hates working in the strip joint because she is religious. Our comic relief is a cross made out of black leather that she carries around. They chose Starr because she needed initiation for detective (she needed to do REAL detective work), and she was the best-looking female on the force.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Johnson is also early to mid-twenties. He became senior detective at the department because he is extremely intelligent, a Doogie Howser if you will. Though computers are not big because the year is 1978, he secretly is a computer genius. Johnson is a partner with Martinez; Johnson is not only the brain of the operation, but he is the cover because of the department. The department thinks Johnson is working at the zoo because of some animal-raids that have been going on. People have been breaking into zoos and injecting animals with virulent chemicals. Johnson is really working in the zoo as the cover for Starr, remember that while he is at the zoo he is pretending to be mentally challenged.   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Martinez is the biggest drug tycoon in the city. They estimate he deals with approximately $20 million worth of drugs daily.

Women in A Raisin in the Sun

Lorraine Hansberry's A Raisin in the Sun is the story of a struggling black family in Chicago. This story embodies Hansberry's use of strong black women, she was a realistic artist, fascinated by ordinary and real people with each one clearly and vividly drawn. In this play, Hansberry portrays courageous and revolutionary women who share struggles with each other and also with their men. Hansberry speaks loudly about the role women have played in the struggle for freedom. In A Raisin in the Sun, Hansberry shows three major female characters in very different stages in their lives. Lena wants to save her family from dissolution by resolving conflicts, remaining righteous and being the rock and the leader of the Youngers. Beneatha wants to both develop her intellect by attending school and be of service to humanity by practicing medicine; Ruth, on the other hand, wants Travis to grow up in a decent home in a decent neighborhood. However, they all share a common goal for their family. Although different from each other, the women remain unified at the end of the play when the whole family decides to move into a new house, significant because they would rather face the dangerous risk of moving into a racist neighborhood than stay in their poor situation. Mama portrays the traditional, holy, black woman during the period of the civil rights movement, much like that of the time she is the backbone in their house and supports the family through their many trials and tribulations. Throughout the play Walter, Lena Younger’s son, is undoubtedly a catalyst in the troubles the family faces. He seems helpless and feels he is less than a man because his family is poor and he has so many aspirations. During the play he lobbies for the support of the family to give him the money to invest in a liquor store, and finally in a critical scene, even though she has her doubts, Mama hands over part of the ten thousand dollars of his father’s life insurance to him. Walter may not know it but she is handing over the duty as the head of the household to him. After their heart-wrenching face to face talk with her son, Lena doesn't want his dream to be deferred, she says, â€Å"Listen to me now. I say I've been wrong, son. That I been doing what the rest of the world been doing to you† ( ). Through giving this money to Walter, Lena hopes his spirits will lift before the family loses him. She then says, â€Å"There ain't nothing worth holding on to, money, dreams, nothing else if it means it's going to destroy my boy†. ( ). It is evident that there is nothing more important to Lena than her family's happiness, and as a mother she only has Walter's best interest in mind. Although Lena can be seen as an old-fashioned black woman she also displays some forward thinking on her part when she buys a house for her family. Not only does she just buy a house but she dares to buy one in a white neighborhood. She knows she is taking a risk but she does it anyway to improve her family's living situation, advancing on the concept that her family always comes first. The house that she brought was the best she could find for her money and she wasn't going to be denied such an opportunity because of the racist neighborhood. She is tired of her family being held back by white society in which Walter is mostly the victim. At one point Lena waivers at moving because Walter loses the money. She loses hope for a moment. This scene is the most dramatic scene because when Lena learns that Walter lost the money, she slaps him with anger. She then illustrates how hard his father worked for the money. She says â€Å"I seen†¦ him†¦ night after night†¦ come in †¦ and look at that rug†¦ and then look at me†¦ the red showing in his eyes†¦ the veins moving in his head†¦ I seen him grow thin and old before he was forty †¦ working and working like somebody's old horse †¦ killing himself †¦ and you – you give it all away in a day†¦ † ( ). Lena just couldn't stand the thought of her husband working everyday for nothing. However, even though she didn't like what he did, she later scolds Beneatha for criticizing him because she doesn't want Walter to be hurt any further. Ruth and Lena show tremendous understanding with Walter. In the story Hansberry describes Ruth by writing, â€Å"We can see that she was a pretty girl, even exceptionally so, but now it is apparent that life has been little that she expected, and disappointment has already begun to hang in her face† ( ). It is apparent by the way Hansberry describes Ruth that times have been hard for her. It is understandable though, black women were expected to do domestic work as well as work outside the home to complement their husband's income and effectively handle both major tasks. Ruth also displays a lot of strength when she deals with a pregnancy that the family may not be able to support. Through all of these responsibilities more stress is added on to the fact that Walter shuts her out emotionally. Ruth’s relationship with Walter becomes distant as the play goes on, Walter simply doesn't feel the support he needs from her and he doesn’t know how to get back to a good place with their relationship. Ruth doesn't seem supportive at first, however she really understands him, she wants a better life for her family, too but she's just more of a realist. Ruth does tip-off Lena that Walter wanted the money to start a business when she says, â€Å"Ain't nobody business people till they go into business. Walter Lee say colored people ain't never going to start getting ahead till they start gambling on some different kinds of things in the world – investments and things†. ( ). After Lena mentions buying a house Ruth gets excited because she knows that to save her marriage and her family they must move into the new house, it also means that she can keep the new baby on the way. Beneatha's character in A Raisin in the Sun portrays how a radical, independent black female would act, she represents a new generation of women that to be free. In one part of the play Beneatha rejects God, saying â€Å"I’m sick about hearing about god† Her intense personality and stubborn attitude is probably what causes her to lose her faith. She doesn't realize that faith is what helped her family through hard times. Beneatha's main goal throughout the play was to pursue her education and become a doctor. During the civil rights movement a black female doctor is very rare and even thinking about entering practice may be looked down upon. In the beginning Beneatha was not supported by her brother Walter, he may have felt jealousy and couldn't stand the thought of part of the insurance money going to her schooling. He criticized Beneatha's dreams, which is hypocritical because he does not want anybody criticizing his. Walter doesn't support his sister's dream of being a doctor because he wants the money for himself. Beneatha's love interests in the story confirm her beliefs. George Murchinson essentially believes in what her brother thinks and Asagai supports her. George is not sensitive enough to notice that Beneatha is an intellectual and only feels he needs to suit her physical needs as well. Asagai, on the other hand, appeals to Beneatha's intellectual and psychological needs. Beneatha is at a stage where she wants to feel at ease and be encouraged to philosophize and express her opinions. She is definitely more receptive towards Asagai because he supports her dreams. The Younger women may argue and disagree but would never betray their family or their race. They, as a whole, act not only as the rock of the family, but the glue that bonds everyone together. Walter would be lost without the support he receives and although he does not show it very often, he loves all of them very much. The women of Lorraine Hansberry’s A Raisin in the Sun play a key role in the stability of the family and a clear picture into the hearts and minds of the characters, they are an integral part of the play.

Advantages Of Sweatshops Essay - 1064 Words

Lageju Krischal 1 Ashley Garcia Casas ESL 400 October 27, 2017 Final draft Sweatshops: worth the price? A sweatshop is the place that has a poor working condition, where workers are paid very low wage thought they work for longer hours. A ‘sweatshop’ is defined by the US department of Labor as a factory that violates 2 or more labor laws. Sweatshops are common in poor and developing countries. Basically, they possess three major characteristics – long hours, low pay and unsafe or unhealthy working conditions. On the other hands it has been one†¦show more content†¦Sweatshops also helps in developing the infrastructure of the country. Besides raising the life standard of the workers, it also helps in raising the economy of the country. One of the good things is that companies need to pay taxes to the government which directly help to boost the economy of the country. Furthermore, a successful investment in poor countries will send message to other potential investors that there is a stable environment for inves tment, leading in more investment, job opportunities and prosperity in the country. This have standardized the global economy. Many technologies are introduced by the sweatshops in the country. Besides it also helps in developing the infrastructure. As these factories need proper transportation, communication, digital technologies, etc., it helps in developing it. I also agree that sweatshops are not good all the time. Obviously, there are some bad sides of sweatshops. The first thing is that people need to work in the horrific condition putting their life in risk. Sometimes it’s like your worst nightmare. They are a curse for human rights. They do not care about the workers they are working for side workers are allowed to work for longer hours without any food and break. They have always been criticized for their violation against child labor and human rights. There are many cases where workers are abused. They are accused verbally,Show MoreRelatedDisadvantages Of Sweatshop s1475 Words   |  6 Pagesmajor component includes the use of sweatshops in countries with struggling economies. Businesses take advantage of struggling economies in order to generate the most profit possible. Poor nations have no other choice to accept the unreasonably low offers made by businesses since few alternatives are available. Additionally, weak economies allow sweatshops because they pay workers well in relation to the average income of the nation. However, the use of sweatshops hurts the struggling nations by leavingRead MoreEssay about Globalization: History, Trends, and Technologies709 Words   |  3 Pagestrade, the free flow of capital and advantage taken of foreign labor markets. First off, free trade has barriers from one another at different levels. 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